The Mafia We Don’t Dare Name

Are Pakistani Clans Hijacking British Democracy?

There is a growing unease across Britain - one that dares not speak its name. For years, the public was told to look away, to avoid uncomfortable truths for fear of being labelled racist or xenophobic. But the evidence is mounting, and the patterns are too stark to ignore. From the cover-up of industrial-scale rape gangs to the rise of sectarian bloc voting, a dangerous new force has taken root in our institutions. It is not just about race or religion, it is about power, loyalty, and control.

At the heart of it lies a deeply entrenched system imported from Pakistan: the clan. These clans, operating more like organised crime families than traditional immigrant communities, have quietly embedded themselves into the fabric of British politics and public life. And yet, few dare to speak of it. Until now.

We are right to describe these networks as Pakistani Rape Clans, not simply Pakistani Rape Gangs. The term “clan” better reflects the structure, loyalty, and operational dynamics at play. As Professor Alexis Jay observed during her investigation into the Rotherham scandal, these clans often trace their roots to a specific region of Pakistan.

This distinction matters, and it should shape how we think about these crimes and the systems that allow them to flourish. We need to move beyond the vague and misleading label of “Asian grooming gangs.” Precision matters, and with it comes a clearer understanding of how these clans operate - and why they evade scrutiny.

1. Clan Structures and the Limits of Western Oversight

In Pakistani communities, the clan (or baradari) structure creates a web of loyalty that transcends the nuclear family model most Western institutions are built to monitor. In the UK, declarations of interest, meant to prevent conflicts of interest among politicians and public servants, typically require disclosure of ties only to close family members, such as spouses or children.

But in these Pakistani clans, the network extends far beyond. First cousin marriages are common and reinforce familial bonds, while informal financial systems like “committee” (a parallel banking and loan scheme) bind families together economically. These networks create an almost impenetrable wall of loyalty and dependency.

The result? These clans can operate much like mafia families. Within a single clan, you may find elected officials, police officers, civil servants, and members of organised crime - all working in a web of protection and mutual interest. Our traditional safeguards, rooted in Western definitions of family, simply aren’t equipped to detect these relationships.

2. Electoral Corruption and Clan-Controlled Power

This clan dominance doesn't stop at cultural or economic networks, it extends deep into British democracy itself. Postal vote fraud and Muslim bloc voting have become powerful tools for entrenching sectarian, clan-affiliated politicians in office.

In many towns, entire neighbourhoods vote not as individuals, but as a single bloc - under instructions from community leaders or mosque elders who act on behalf of the clan’s interests. Postal votes, often harvested or filled in under coercion, ensure that dissenting voices, especially women or younger voters, are silenced before they even reach the ballot box.

This isn’t democracy. It’s feudalism by post, where elections become little more than coronation ceremonies for candidates who owe their loyalty not to constituents or country, but to the clan.

These same politicians then sit in Parliament or local councils, not just as representatives of political parties, but as nodes in a wider network - often untouchable, protected by cultural taboos, political correctness, and accusations of racism.

3. The Implications: What Are We Missing?

This raises a crucial question: Which clans do certain public figures belong to? Once we apply a clan-based lens to political activity, the picture begins to sharpen.

Take Tahir Ali MP. He has previously used his parliamentary platform to advocate for blasphemy laws - echoing the values of hardline Pakistani clerics, not British liberal democracy. He has also pushed for an airport in Mirpur, a bizarre priority unless you understand the pull of clan ties and dual allegiances between the UK and a single region in Pakistan.

Then there’s Shabana Mahmood MP, who this week intervened to defend the censorship of rape gang trial transcripts, objecting to public access that could expose cultural or religious motivations behind the crimes. Instead of siding with transparency and justice, the Justice Secretary sided with concealment.

And Afzal Khan MP? Despite his position as an MP for Manchester Gorton and former Mayor of the great city, he has remained conspicuously silent on Operation Augusta - a police investigation into hundreds, if not thousands, of child sexual exploitation victims in Greater Manchester. His silence speaks volumes, especially when the victims were largely white working-class girls and the perpetrators predominantly from Pakistani backgrounds.

There are a long list of politicians, operating at local and national levels, who I could continue to name and critique in exactly the same way.

Once we start viewing British politics through this lens, where clan loyalty supersedes democratic duty, we begin to uncover a buried infrastructure of influence that spans from small towns in the UK to rural regions of Pakistan.

Now are you starting to see why Labour politicians have repeatedly tried to imprison me? Why Pakistani sectarians and Islamists, shielded by Andy Burnham’s now-discredited, rape gang-protecting Greater Manchester Police, have openly called for my murder?

Because the moment we start asking the right questions - about clan loyalty, about democratic subversion, about institutionalised corruption - the entire facade begins to crack.

This isn't just a scandal. It's a system.

It’s why whistleblowers are punished, not praised. Why the media stays silent. Why justice is denied to the most vulnerable among us - white working-class girls, betrayed and forgotten. And why politicians with ties to these networks rise to power unchallenged, untouchable.

But we are no longer afraid to speak. The cost of silence has become greater than the cost of truth.

If you’re tired of seeing your country manipulated by those who owe their loyalty to clans, not constituents, if you want to help expose the networks, protect victims, and take back control of your democracy, then now is the time to stand with us.

Want to help stop this? Learn how to fight back. Speak up. Organise. Share this. Support me. And never, ever look away again.

Raja Miah MBE

For those new to me, I'm Raja Miah MBE. I spent six years leading a small team that exposed how Labour politicians protected Pakistani Rape Gangs and exchanged working class White girls for votes.

Both politicians and police have all repeatedly tried and failed to have me imprisoned. My crime? Refusing to look the other way to the gang rape of children.
My work continues despite powerful forces including the media, politicians, police and public officials all conspiring to desperately stop me and bury the truth. This includes the recent announcement of my role in The Rape Gang Inquiry team led by Rupert Lowe.

All of my content is shared for free. I publish all the materials on my website Red Wall and the Rabble. Please subscribe. We really need more numbers.

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- Raja 🙏